COMMUNICATION 


FROM 


HIS  HONOR  THE  MAYOR,  i 


FERNANDO  WOOD, 

TRANSMITTED  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL 
OF  NEW-YORK, 

JANUARY  7tlx,  1858. 


I 


NEW-YORK 
185G. 


fcx  iCtbrta 


SEYMOUR  DURST 


-i  '  Tort  nituw  ^imfltrJay*  cj>  ae  Manhatanj 


m 


IVhen  you  leave,  please  leave  this  book 

Because  \l  has  been  said 
"Ever  thing  comes  t'  him  who  waits 

Except  a  loaned  book." 


Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library 
Gift  of  Seymour  B.  Durst  Old  York  Library 


MAYOR'S  OFFICE, 

New-York,  Jan.  7  th,  1856. 


Gentlemen  of  the  Common  Council ; 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  opening  of  another  official 
year,  amidst  the  general  good  health  and  prosperity  of  the 
people  over  whose  public  welfare  it  is  our  duty  to  preside. 
Ours  is  an  important  trust  ;  let  us  approach  its  fulfillment, 
with  a  due  sense  of  its  magnitude,  and  a  firm  determination 
to  discharge  it  with  fidelity  and  usefulness. 

To  ruaTie  laws  for  and  properly  govern  a  city  like  this,  is 
a  duty  as  responsible  and  onerous  in  its  performance,  as  it  is 
high  and  honorable  in  character. 

The  extending  area  and  the  increasing  population  of  New- 
York  have  already  surpassed  the  ability  of  the  law-making 
power  to  provide  for  their  interests.  Our  prosperity  has  been 
so  rapid  that  local  legislation  has  hitherto  been  unable  to 
keep  pace  with  its  progress.  The  many  and  varied  interests 
—  the  vast  and  complicated  connections  existing  between  our- 
selves, and  every  other  section  of  our  own,  as  well  as  of 
mosi  foreign  countries  —  the  peculiar  character  of  the  popu- 
lation, and  the  new  resources  which  are  continually  developed 
demand  of  us  to  exert  every  effort  to  make  the  provision  im- 
peratively demanded  by  our  present  position  as  well  as  our 
progressive  greatness.  I  fear,  however,  we  do  not  realize  even 
our  present  greatness,  much  less  that  so  plainly  indicated  in 
the  future,  as  the  mighty  metropolis  of  a  confederation  num- 
bering a  hundred  millions  of  American  Freemen. 


2 


Upon  a  careful  review  of  the  municipal  history  of  this 
city,  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  the  same  energy  and 
intelligent  forethought,  have  been  displayed  in  its  public  affairs, 
as  have  characterized  our  people  in  trade  and  commerce,  sci- 
ence and  education.  Whilst  within  about  a  half  century,  New- 
York  with  its  immediate  dependencies,  from  a  population  of 
00,000  in  1800,  has  arisen  to  be  the  third  city  in  the  world 
in  1855  ;  and  in  all  the  ennobling  attributes  of  religion,  pri. 
vate  and  public  benevolence,  educational  advantages,  commer- 
cial wealth  and  enterprise  —  to  a  position  second  to  none  ;  yet, 
in  its  form  of  government,  its  internal  regulations,  the  integrity 
with  which  ils  public  affairs  are  managed,  and  in  the  adapt- 
ation of  its  municipal  administration  to  its  public  wants,  it 
s  to  day  far  inferior  to  a  dozen  other  cities  in  the  Union  of 
half  its  population  and  importance.  Whilst  we  have  progressed 
in  the  accumulation  of  the  elements  of  prosperity,  we  have 
retrograded  in  the  means  to  preserve  our  power  and  provide 
for  the  necessities  of  our  condition. 

The  idea  of  Government,  whether  National,  State  or  Muni- 
cipal, is  very  simple.  It  is  merely  Government.  It  is  the 
care  of  the  public  interest  —  a  provision  for  the  general  wel- 
fare —  the  enacting  and  the  exacting  of  such  rules  and  regu- 
lutions  as  will  best  protect  the  rights  and  interests  of  a//, 
without  discrimination  as  to  class  or  sect.  The  Federal  Go- 
vernment is  restricted  to  the  exercise  of  such  powers  as  have 
been  directly  delegated  by  the  States,  and  to  such  subjects 
of  legislation  as  are  specifically  enumerated  in  the  Constitution. 
The  powers  of  the  State  Government  extend  to  all  that  apper- 
tains to  the  Commonwealth,  not  conferred  upon  the  towns, 
counties,  etc.  ;  and  of  the  City  Government,  to  everything  con- 
nected with  local  matters  under  its  charter  of  incorporation. 
The  Government  of  the  city  is  far  more  utilitarian  and  prac- 
ically  perceptible  than  either   of  the   other  Governments.  It 


3 


directly  involves  and  effects  the  comfort,  interest  or  health 
of  every  citizen.  It  is  a  living,  ever  present  fact  ;  we  see 
and  feel  it  daily.  There  are  none  so  humble  or  obscure,  or  so 
powerful  and  rich,  as  to  be  exempt  from  its  operations.  Every 
man,  woman  and  child  of  our  resident  population  is  depend- 
ent upon  government  as  administered  in  this  city.  Nor  is  its 
influence  confined  to  the  narrow  limits  of  its  own  jurisdiction. 
It  is  wide  spread  throughout  the  land.  The  tens  of  thousands 
of  visitors  from  other  Cities  and  States,  witness  its  operation, 
and  carry  home  its  impressions,  which  in  turn  affect  their  own 
localities  for  weal  or  woe.  Therefore,  New- York  and  the  con- 
duct of  our  corporate  affairs  are  not  alone  for  ourselves  ;  and 
though  we  cannot  say,  —  and  I  hope  may  never  be  able  with 
truth  to  say,  that,  New- York  is  politically  what  Paris  is  to 
France  —  still  the  fact  is,  that,  in  the  influence  of  its  pros, 
perity  or  adversity,  so  much  dependent  upon  its  local  govern- 
ment, New- York  affects  a  wider  extent  of  territory,  involving 
more  vital,  social  interests  and  considerations  than  the  capitals 
of   Louis  Napoleon  and  Queen  Victoria  together. 

Am  I  not  therefore  justified  in  declaring,  that  our  local 
legislation  and  the  management  of  our  executive  offices,  have 
not  fulfilled  the  requirements  of  our  present  wants,  to  say 
nothing  of  our  future  destiny  ?  It  appears  to  me  that  tem- 
porary expedients  and  feeble  efforts,  seldom  successful  —  schemes 
of  private  advantage,  as  well  as  of  partizan  interest,  costing 
millions  to  the  people  —  comprise  about  all  that  has  been  done 
for  this  great  city,  by  its  public  authorities  ;  and  that  with  all 
our  reform  agitation  and  assumed  close  attention  to  local  poli- 
tics, we  are  strangely  deficient  in  the  grasp  of  intellect  and 
breadth  of  comprehension  necessary  to  devise  proper  provision 
for  New-York  as  it  is,  much  less  for  New-York  as  it  will  be. 
The  introduction  of  the  waters  of  the  Croton  River,  and  the  pro- 
jection of  the  Central  Park  are  about  all  that  has  been  done, 
in  keeping  with  a  liberal  policy. 


i 


But  it  may  be  asked,  whether  it  is  too  late  to  recover 
ourselves  in  these  respects.  I  think  not  ;  though  we  have 
attained  the  dimensions  of  advanced  maturity,  we  are  still 
young  in  years.  It  is  not  too  late  to  remedy  the  errors  and 
oi  tasioDS  of  the  past,  by  the  adoption  of  measures  corres- 
ponding with  the  prospects  before  us.  It  is  true  we  cannot, 
nor  is  it  important,  that  we  should  modernize  the  width  anil 
regularity  of  the  Streets  of  Old  New- York,  now  its  extreme 
Southern  border];  nor  can  we  now,  nor  is  it  desirable,  that  we 
should  attempt  to  imitate  the  great  cities  of  Europe,  in  the  or- 
namental grandeur  of  our  public  building.-,  or  the  magniGcence 
of  our  public  squares  and  parks  ;  but  in  all  that  is  essential 
to  the  physical  well  being,  to  the  full  development  of  the  trade 
and  commerce,  and  to  the  preservation  of  property  and  the  pro, 
motion  of  the  general  welfare,  it  is  not  too  late  to  devise 
and  adopt  permanent  measures,  in  keeping  with  our  present 
as  well  as  future  condition. 

Having  in  view  another  communication  more  detailed  in  its 
suggestions,  and  more  recommendatory  in  its  character,  I 
do  not  propose  now  to  go  into  a  discussion  of  the  improve- 
ments required  to  remedy  the  defects  and  supply  the  omissions 
of  the  past ;  it  is  sufficient  for  the  present  occasion  to  revert 
to  the  source  whence  we  have  derived  prosperity,  and  generally 
to  the  leading  measures  necessary  to  preserve,  maintain  and  in- 
crease it. 

I  propose,  therefore,  to  consider  now,  the  questions,  to  what 
is  New- York  the  most  indebted?  and  in  ichat  is  it  that  she  is 
most  deficient  ?  If  in  discussing  these  questions  it  seems,  that  an 
innovation  has  been  made  in  the  peculiarly  local  tenor  of  docu 
ments  of  this  kind,  by  the  introduction  of  National  topics,  I 
beg  you  to  remember  that  our  city  is  of  National  interest, 
its  success  of  National  importance,  and  that  its  rise  or  down- 


5 


fall  is  inseperably  connected  with,  and  more  directly  depen- 
dent upon  the  legislation  and  policy  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment, than  that  of  any  Commonwealth  in  the  Union.  Therefore 
if  for  the  first  time  an  attempt  is  made  to  bring  the  power 
of  this  City  through  its  corporate  authorities,  to  bear  upon 
the  General  Government  by  an  official  demand  for  a  recog- 
nition of  our  weight,  let  me  ask  that  the  magnitude  of  the 
♦interests  involved,  may  be  deemed  a  sufficient  warrant  for  the 
introduction  of  topics  apparently  foreign  to  this  occasion. 

FOREIGN  COMMERCE, 

With  its  concomitant,  Domestic  Commerce,  is  the  germ  whence 
has  sprung  our  might.  To  that  interest,  the  first  and  most 
lastingly  beneficial  of  all  departments  of  industry  —  the  rich- 
est in  its  results  and  the  most  ennobling  in  its  character, 
as  spreading  the  mantle  of  civilization,  disseminating  peace  and 
intelligence,  and  good  will  from  man  to  man  ;  as  an  instru- 
ment in  the  hands  of  Almighty  God,  by  which  his  word  is 
carried  to  the  furthermost  ends  of  the  earth  ;  we  are  indebted 
for  the  foundation  upon  which  rests  the  corner-stone  of  ail  our 
prosperity.  *' 

Our  power  is  derived  from  commerce.  Our  geographical 
position,  together  with  the  energy,  industry,  ability,  and  capi- 
tal of  our  people,  has  enabled  us  to  outstrip  our  sister 
cities  in  the  struggle  for  commercial  mastery,  and  has  placed 
us  among  the  first  cities  of  the  world.  Without  commerce, 
we  could  not  have  accomplished  this ;  it  has  added  to  our 
population  a  half  million  in  a  quarter  of  a  century  —  has 
drawn  to  us  the  capital  and  enterprise  of  every  quarter  of 
the  earth  —  has  enabled  us  to  lead  in  works  of  benevolence, 
philanthropy  and  religion  ;  to  aid  our  sister  cities  and  states  in 
building  up  their  own  localities,  and  has  developed  the  agri- 
cultural, mineral,  and  manufacturing  resources  of  the  whole 


6 


country.  Without  commerce,  the  New-York  of  to-day  would  have 
been  but  little  more  populous  than  the  New- York  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. It  is  commerce  that  has  made  us  what  we  are,  and  to 
it  we  must  look  to  maintain  the  supremacy  we  possess.  There- 
fore it  is  important  to  retain  this  great  element  of  power  un- 
impaired. With  it  we  can  be  everything— without  it,  nothing. 
Now,  as  this  interest,  like  all  others,  flourishes  most  when  least, 
subjected  to  governmental  interference,  undoubtedly,  in  a  full  • 
consideration  of  the  question  presented,  W6  cannot  overlook  the 
restrictions  which  have  been  imposed  opon  it,  by  the  Federal 
Government. 

In  my  opinion  the  mode  of  collecting  revenue  by  imposts, 
heretofore  adopted,  has  been  detrimental  not  only  to  our  own 
interests,  but  to  those  of  the  whole  country. 

The  levying  of  imposts  upon  importations  is  to  the  extent 
of  the  impost,  a  hindrance  to  commerce,  and  anything  that  is  a 
hindrance  to  commerce  is  adverse  to  every  other  department  of 
industry.  To  declare  that  every  cargo  or  article  of  merchandise 
brought  to  our  port,  from  a  foreign  country,  shall  be  subjected  to 
duty,  viz.  :  tax,  before  it  be  allowed  to  come  on  shore  for  sale  or 
consumption,  is,  to  the  extent  of  the  sum  demanded,  together  with 
its  mode  of  collection,  an  obstruction  to  importations,  and  thus  far 
injurious  to  commercial  intercourse  with  foreign  nations. 

It  matters  little  to  the  industry  and  capital  of  New-York  in 
what  form  and  by  what  mode  or  pretext  taxation  is  exacted. 
Every  operation  of  government  the  object  of  which  is  to  raise 
revenue,  imposes  a  burden  upon  the  people. 

We  endure  taxation  from  three  several  sources  to  aid  in  the 
support  of  three  independent  governments.  The  City  Cor- 
poration spends  its  millions  per  annum,  and  makes  its  levies 


7 


upon  our  property  for  re-imbursement  ;  the  State  relies  upon 
us  for  large  contributions  to  its  school  and  other  funds,  and 
the  general  government  looks  to  New-York  for  two-thirds  of 
its  whole  revenue.  It  is  of  little  concern  whether  these 
sums  are  required  in  the  aggregate,  or  whether  thus  separated 
into  three  distinct  demands.  There  is  no  difference  in  the 
effect,  whether  the  draught  be  made  by  a  levy  upon  our  pro- 
*  perty,  as  in  the  case  of  the  City  and  State,  or  whether  upon 
our  consumption  and  trade,  as  in  the  case  of  the  General  Go- 
vernment.   The  mode  varies,  but  the  results  are  the  same. 

It  is  no  answer  to  say  that  we  have  prospered,  notwithstand- 
ing these  restrictions.    That  we  have  flourished  even  under  these 
burdens  is  the  greater  wonder  and  the  higher  compliment  to  our 
enterprise.    What  would  New-York  not  have  been  if  left  to  the 
laws  of  trade  and  of  nature  ;  free  to  the  interchange  of  com- 
modities with  all  other  countries  ?    If  our  port  had  been  left 
open  to  friendly  ingress,  and  if  our  affairs  had  been  freed  from 
the  interference   of  the  thousand  agents  through  whom  the 
government  appropriates   a   portion    of  the  earnings   of  our 
trade   with  which  to  fill  the  national  coffers,  we  should  have 
now  stood,  not  the  third,  but  the  first  city  of  the  world.  New- 
York,  and  indeed  the  whole  country  requires  unlimited  free  trade  ; 
exemption  from  restrictive  or  special  legislation,  and  the  severe 
exactions  upon  the  industry  of  the  people  which  follow  in  its 
train.    We  may  not  always  possess  the  inherent  vigor  required 
to  surmount  the]  obstacles  in  our  way  arising  from  this  cause. 
Spair  was  once  foremost  among  the  nations,  and  Cadiz  among 
the  first  of  European  ports.    They  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to 
a  mistaken  commercial  policy,  not  unlike  that  of  our  own  go 
vernment.    Spain  has  long  since  ceased  to  hold  a  place  amOng 
really  independent   nations,   and    now  lies   a   victim   to  her 
own  suicidal  system.     Her  neighbors  but  await  the  day  for 
her  partition  andjher  island"  colonies  [the  dominion  of  a  freer 
and  more  enlightened  government. 


8 


Or  look  to  Mexico  !  She  followed  the  commercial  ex  ample 
of  her  ancient  mother,  adhering  to  error  with  Spanish  tenacity. 
Upon  this  rock  she  too  became  a  wreck. 

I  know  that  public  opinion  in  this  country  traces  to  other 
influences  her  degraded  downfall  ;  but  whatever  the  immediate 
causes  may  be,  it  is  ray  conviction  that  the  gold  collected  by 
Custom  House  duties,  and  used  by  revolutionary  generals  ' 
and  corrupt  rulers  has  been  the  instrument  of  destruction  by 
which  Mexican  liberties  and  nationalities  baVe  been  paralyzed 
and  broken  down  ;  corrupt  rulers,  thus  obtaining  gold,  first  demo- 
ralized and  then  betrayed  that  ignorant  people  ;  and  now  the 
descendents  of  the  haughty  Spaniard  in  North  America,  are  by 
the  beckoning  of  an  unseen  but  all-powerful  hand,  following 
the  fading  trail  of  the  red  man.  The  influences  which  con- 
trol the  rise  aud  fall  of  empires  find  no  truer  illustration 
thau  in  the  history  of  Spanish  dominion  in  America.  The  end 
of  what  is  left  of  it  is  obvious.  It  must  soou  be  obliter- 
ated. Let  us  prepare  to  fill  the  vacancy,  which,  in  spite 
of  ourselves  awaits  our  occupation.  The  same  destiny  which 
first  sent  the  sons  of  Spain  to  debauch  and  conquer  the  Indian  ; 
aud  then  the  more  hardy  sons  of  Britain  in  turn  to  succeed 
them,  with  liberal  institutions  upon  which  to  erect  a  mighty 
self-controlling  political  power,  will  direct  the  further  progress 
of  the  republican  principle  under  the  stars  and  stripes,  until 
not  only  Mexico  but  in  the  not  distant  future  the  whole  of 
Central  America,  will  acknowledge  our  sway,  and  become  a 
portion  of  this  confederation  of  Independent  States. 

In  this  march  of  empire  our  own  emporium  is  to  hold  no 
insignificant  position  of  command.  Our  capital  and  navigation, 
together  with  the  indomitable  spirit  of  adventure,  and  bold, 
hardy  enterprise  of  the  West  and  South,  will  head  this  army 
of  territorial  acquisition.    If  it  is  to  be  a  peaceful  conquest 


9 


the  commerce  of  New- York  must  lead  the  van  ;  if  it  be  by 
force  of  arms,  New- York  must  supply  the  sinews  of  war.  In 
any  form  by  which  this  great  drama  is  to  be  played  out,  through 
the  inscrutable  mystery  of  destiny  we  are  to  be  the  main  actors, 
and  our  resources  existing  only  through  and  by  commerce,  are 
to  be  the  immediate  agents. 

Therefore  let  it  be  said  to  the  whole  country,  that  our  in- 
crease is  their  gain  ;  our  onward  progress,  their  advancement  ; 
onr  welfare  to  be  secured  by  the  absence  of  all  governmental 
restrictions  upon  the  sources  of  our  strength,  the  security  of 
their  own  present  prosperity,  and  the  means  by  which  their 
future  is  to  be  made  more  brilliant, 
v 

In  this  advocacy  of  freedom  from  govermental  restraints,  I 
wish  to  be  understood  as  declaring  a  principle  equally  advan- 
tageous to  every  section  of  the  country  and  to  every  branch 
of  industry.  I  do  not  recommend  this  policy  for  the  exclu- 
sive benefit  of  our  city,  even  were  it  possible  to  separate  its 
interests. from  those  of  the  rest  of  the  Union.  It  requires  no 
argument  to  prove  that  just  as  the  prosperity  of  New-York 
is  of  advantage  to  every  State  in  the  Union,  so  the  general 
internal  thrift  arising  from  the  successful  prosecution  of  every 
branch  of  trade,  and  manufactures,  and  of  agriculture  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  is  indispensable  to  the  pros- 
perity of  New- York.  But  independent  of  this  connection  and 
identification  of  interests,  the  policy  I  advocate  is  not  adverse 
to  the  true  policy  of  any  other  section.  The  whole  country  will 
advance  as  government  interference  with  private  industry  is  with- 
drawn. Freedom  is  the  theory  upon  which  our  institutions  are 
founded  ;  and  freedom  in  the  exercise  of  opinion,  whether  poli- 
tical or  religious,  and  in  the  pursuit  of  gain — whether  by  manu- 
factures, commerce,  or  agriculture — freedom  in  the  full  develop- 
ment of  the  immense  resources  of  our  noble  land,  securing  to 


10 


all  the  enjoyment  of  the  largest  liberty  compatible  with  equal 
justice,  subjected  only  to  the  [mnrat&bia  laws  of  nature,  and  the 
preservation  of  the  individual  rights  of  all.  Freedom  thus  illus- 
trated, is  the  great  principal  of  American  progress. 

THE  CITY  GOVERNMENT. 

Having  thus  briefly  directed  attention  to  the  source  of  on 
present  strength  and  future  relianc-*,  and  pointed  out  the  prin- 
cipal difficulty  in  the  way  of*  a  full  development  of  bur  element! 
of  growth,  it  is  now  proper  to  refer  to  what  in  my  judgment 
are  the  leading  internal  defects.  These  1  propose  to  consider 
in   a  general  manner. 

Next  to  commerce,  the  principal,  and  it  may  be  said  with 
truth,  the  vital,  internal  clement  upon  which  the  City  of  New- 
York  depends,  is  its  government.  Its  government  iu  form  and 
its  government  in  execution.  The  form  of  government  is  of 
incalculable  moment  ;  for  though  it  is  true  that  the  incumbents 
of  the  several  offices,  constituting  as  they  do  the  body  which 
is  to  carry  out  the  government,  of  whatever  kind  it  may  be, 
can  do  much  to  impair  its  efficacy  and  subvert  its  intention, 
still  they  are  accountable  to  legal  tribunals,  and  can  be  pe- 
riodically changed.  Not  so  with  the  fundamental  charter  or 
law  of  government  itself.  This  is  or  should  be  permanent  in  its 
duration,  and  if  possible  perfect  in  its  system.  It  is  not  extra- 
vagant to  say  that  this  city,  for  a  century,  has  not  had  a  char- 
ter adapted  to  its  wants,  and  in  all  respects  adequate  to  its 
requirements. 

Cur  corporate  history  will  show  that  so  far  as  organic  law 
was  concerned,  the  municipal  franchise,  as  well  as  the  rights  of 
the  people,  were  better  protected  when  the  form  of  goverement 
was  constructed  by  foreign  hands,  than  since  we  have  been  ex- 


11 


ercising  these  functions  for  ourselvess  through  our  State  autho- 
rities.. 

It  is  singular  that  these  charters  when  emanating  from,  "  the 
one  man  power"  afforded  more  security  for  the  corporate  rights 
of  the  city,  and  a  more  certain  protection  for  the  property  of  the 
citizens,  than  the  popular  ones  of  late  years,  which  have  been  the 
creation  of  the  vox  populi.  The  Dongan  charter  of  1686,  or 
that  of  Montgomery  of  H30,  would  be  better  adapted  to  New- 
York  now  than  the  hybrid,  incongruous,  and  inadequate  amend- 
ments of  our  own  adoption.  It  is  quite  certain  that  although  the 
former  furnishes  the  foundation  upon  which  these  amendments 
have  been  made,  and  upon  which  we  have  been  continually  as- 
suming to  improve,  that  the  improvements  are  really  not  im- 
provements in  fact.  If  ever  the  history  of  the  charters,  and 
of  their  times,  shall  be  carefully  written,  it  will  be  seen  that 
with  all  our  advancement,  we  are  behind  our  ancestors  in  know- 
ledge of  true  municipal  government. 

As  New-Amsterdam  and  as  New-York,  we  have  had  the  Dutch 
charter;'  emanating  directly  from  the  home  government  in  1657; 
the  Nicholl,  or  first  English  charter,  of  1665;  the  Dongan  char- 
ter, of  1686  ;  the  Montgomery  charter,  of  1 130  :  the  amended 
charter  of  1830,  with  the  recent  amendments  of  1849,  1851, 
and  1853.  It  is  true  that  some  of  these  may  be  called  merely 
grants  from  the  home  government,  but  they  are  still  interesting 
from  containing  the  idea  of  their  times,  as  to  what  constitute  cor- 
porate rights  and  municipal  government,  and  as  contrasting  very 
favorably  with  the  supposed  superior  intelligence  of  the  present 
day.  The  chief  merit  of  these  ancient  constitutions  consisted 
in  the  concentration  of  power;  and  as  we  have  strayed  from 
this  essential  element  of  municipal  government,  as  applied  to 
this  city,  with  its  tens  of  thousands  of  the  dissolute  and  law- 
less, we  have,  in  my  judgment,  departed  from  the  true  path  and 


12 


introduced  fundamental  errors  productive  of  the  present  anarchy 
which  is  almost  the  absence  of  any  government  whatever.  It 
is    in   this    great    difference   between  the    series   of  amend" 
ments   of  1849,  1851,  and    1S53,    and    the    more  compact- 
soli  1  features  of  the  ehnrter  of  1S30,  that  much  of  the  pre, 
sent  discontent  arises.    That  there  must  be  power  all  will  ad- 
mit, and  that  this  power  must  be  sufficient  to  secure  control 
none  can  deny,  and  that  executive  authority,  equally  dissemi- 
nated among  several  heads,  each  separate  in  action  and  inde- 
pendent in  prerogative,  with  but  partial  check  or  hindrance  in 
uny  quarter,  is  not   such   a   one   as   can  govern  New-York, 
must  be  apparent  to  all.    This  is  not  government,  it  is  little 
better  than  legalized  anarchy.    The  distribution  of  equal  power 
in  the  executive  departments,  without  one  head  is  subversive 
of  true  government.    This  is  peculiarly  so  among  a  people  who 
have  learned  to  look  upon  these  hea<^  as  places  of  large  pecu- 
niary gain,  the  value  of  which  is   increased  as  the  right  to 
control  them  is  decreased.     When  the  law  itself  frees  a  pub- 
lic   officer,  having  the  disbursement  of  large  sums  of  money, 
from  accountability,  or  when  accountable,  the  responsibility  is 
fixed  in  a  vague,  inapplicable  manner,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
the  interests  of  the  treasury  are  to  be  protected,  in  times  of  such 
lax  integrity  as  now  pervades  the  office-seeking  and  the  office- 
holding  part  of  the  community;  for  although  there  are  excep- 
tions, few  men   of   stern  integrity  and  high-toned,  honorable 
principles,  are  to  be  found  canvassing  for  the  support  of  the 
corrupt  interests  in  society,  now  almost  indispensable  to  secure 
these  places  of  trust.    I  look  upon  the  want  of  concentration  of 
power  and  absence  of  sufficient  check  to  the  action  of  the  several 
departments,  together  with  the  weak  and  almost  powerless  con- 
dition of  the  mis-called  Chief  Executive  Officer,  as    the  main 
defects  in  the  present  government  of  the  city.    In  my  judg- 
ment, we    can   never   have   improvement   without   an  entire 
change  of  the  present  system  in  these  respects.    The  adminis- 


13 


tration  must  be  a  unit.  There  must  be  one  bead  to  which  the 
other  functionaries  should  be  subordinate,  all  acting  in  har- 
mony and  concert. 

The  Mayor  should  be  to  the  city  what  the  President  of 
the  United  States  is  to  the  General  Government,  and  the 
several  heads  of  the  Departments,  should  be  his  cabinet,  ap- 
pointed by  him,  gathering  their  directions,  from  his  will,  if 
needs  be  after  proper  consultation,  and  be  liable,  for  cause, 
to  removal  by  him.  The  Mayor  having  ample  power  over 
every  municipal  wrong,  should  be  held  to  the  most  severe 
and  rigid  accountability  to  the  people  and  to  the  Courts,  not 
only  for  his  own  acts,  but  for  the  conduct  of  the  subordi- 
nates, who  hold  their  places  by  his  appointment  ;  and  they 
in  turn  should  be  accountable  to  him,  holding  their  offices 
during  his  own  term  or  for  a  shorter  period,  if  in  his  judg- 
ment the  public  interests  demand  a  change.  These  checks 
and  safeguards  would  create  a  solid  yet  truly  Republican 
Government  ;  the  people  would  know  where  to  go  for  redress 
of  grievances  if,  indeed,  under  this  system,  any  serious  grie- 
vances would  exist  ;  every  wrong  could  be  promptly  removed, 
for  each  official  would  feel  the  necessity  of  compliance  and 
of  general  good  behavior,  as  the  tenure  by  which  his  office 
is  held.  I  do  not  mean  to  assert,  that  even  this  form 
of  organization  would  be  perfect  ;  for  nothing  is  perfect  that 
the  mind  of  man  conceives  or  the  act  of  man  performs,  but 
so  far  as  the  wants  of  the  people  of  this  great  City  are 
concerned,  I  mean  to  assert  that  without  these  principles  in- 
corporated in  our  organic  law,  we  shall  never  have  a  govern- 
ment, which  in  its  Executive  department,  can  yield  present 
satisfaction,  much  less  prepare  the  way  for  that  bright  future, 
to  which  in  spite  of  ourselves  we  are  rapidly  tending,  as  the 
first  cf  modern  cities. 


14 


Similar  views  on  this  subject  were  presented  by  me  in  a 
somewhat  different  form,  in  my  first  menage  to  your  pre- 
decessors. Like  the  other  recommendation*  made  to  those 
bodies  they  failed  to  elicit  action.  Subsequent  experience  iu 
the  office  of  Mayor,  has  fully  confirmed  them,  and  I  P  peat 
them  now  with  less  hesitancy,  as  it  is  quite  improbable  they 
will  be  adopted  and  take  effect  during  my  term  ;  thus  ren- 
dering me  exempt  from  the  suspicion  of  a  desire  to  increase 
the  patronage  of  the  office  for  personal  objects. 

The  want  of  power  has  been  the  main  difficulty  thus  far 
in  the  way  of  my  administration.  The  improvements  made  by 
me,  if  any,  have  been  accomplished  more  through  the  exer- 
cise of  will  and  energy,  than  by  the  legal  pcrogatives  attach- 
ed to  tin.*  Mayoralty.  The  abs.-uc-'-f  that  moral  force,  which 
statutary  protection  will  always  throw  around  the  doings  of 
a  public  officer,  when  acting  in  pursuance  of  undoubted  legal 
authority,  has  weakened  my  influence  and  impaired  the  effi- 
ciency of  my  action.  The  vicious  element  in  our  midst, 
coalescing  with  corrupt  ionists  who  have  so  long  depended  up- 
on the  treasury,  together  with  antagonistical  partizan  interests 
ever  ready  to  decry  any  public  man  of  opposite  political  affi- 
nities, even  though  he  be  unexceptionable  in  personal  cha- 
racter and  official  action,  soon  discovered  my  want  of  juris- 
diction, over  many  abuses  existing  among  us  ;  and  by  concert 
and  coalition,  sought  to  subvert  and  destroy  the  strength  of 
my  position,  and  render  futile  my  efforts  towards  reform.  It 
has  been  the  policy  of  this  combination,  to  declare  me  res- 
ponsible for  numerous  abuses,  whilst  denying  my  right  to  abate 
them,  and  as  soon  as  the  effort  to  remove  them  was  made, 
to  deuounce  me  for  illegal  assumption  of  authority  and  the 
exercise  of  the  "  one  man  power."  "With  these  interests  and 
their  mercenary  designs  and  subtle  devices,  I  have  had  to  con- 
tend ;  and  shall  continue  to  contend  to  the  last.     The  result 


15 


of  the  contest  will  decide  the  vital  question  to  New- York, 
whether  those  who  are  adverse  to  good  government  are  para- 
mount ;  and  whether  the  people  are  worthy  of,  and  capable 
of  appreciating  an  honest  and  fearless  discharge  of  official 
trust. 

Whilst  thus  freely  denouncing  "  the  interests  opposed  to 
the  right,  and  to  myself,  as  its  advocate  and  administrator, 
let  me  not  be  thought  unmindful  of  the  noble  support  which 
has  been  given  to  me,  by  those  who  have  favored  my  efforts. 
All  classes,  but  those  referred  to,  have  rallied  to  the  defence 
of  my  exertions,  and  given  to  me  such  a  support  as  no  other 
public  officer  of  the  present  day  has  received.  Surely  if 
encouragement  were  needed  to  continued  fidelity,  public  opinion 
which  has  been  expressed  in  my  behalf  with  so  much  enthusiasm 
and  unanimity  would  keep  me  steadfast  in  the  course  I  have 
pursued.  No  man  could  falter,  however,  arduous  the  duty  or 
however,  perilous  the  hazard,  when  backed  up  so  vigorously  by 
all  those  in  our   midst  whose  gocd  opinion  is  worth  having. 

I  have  now  discussed  briefly  and  in  general  terms,  the  two 
requirements  essential  to  the  present  prosperity  and  continued 
growth  of  this  metropolis,  viz  :  the  preservation  and  further 
development  of  its  commerce,  and  the  proper  government  of 
its  people.  It  may  be  said  with  truth,  when  these  are  cared 
for,  Xew-York  is  placed  upon  a  basis  as  firm  as  the  rock 
upon  the  borders  of  her  noble  Hudson.  With  these  secured 
she  is  placed  beyond  the  throes  of  political  revolution  in 
either  Hemisphere.  Wars  upon  the  continent  of  Europe,  or 
in  the  east  will  but  further  aid  her  navigation.  Her  financial 
position,  will  soon  command  the  exchanges  of  the  word  and 
as  her  Bourse  vibrates,  the  money  changers  of  Europe  will 
respond  to  the  movement.  First  in  arts,  as  first  in  commerce 
and  wealth  she  will  then   represent   American  superiority  in 


1G 


every  department  of  knowledge  and  in  all  the  noble  attributes 
of  our  nature,  so  preeminent  in  the  present  century.  Then  will 
a  New-Yorker  be  proud  of  his  citizenship  in  this  metropolis; 
it  will  bear  him  honorable  reception  throughout  all  civilized 
lands  for  he  can  say  with  Paul  of  Tarsus  "  1  am  a 
citizen  of  no  mean  city." 

I  shall  submit  to  you  soon  another  mOQOftge  making  prac- 
tical recommendations  fur  your  own  legislation,  and  which  in 
advance  permit  me  to  express  the  hope,  may  command  your 
early  attention. 

In  that  cummunication  I  shall  endeavor  to  point  out 
many  subjects  comprehending  abuses  and  wrongs  entirely 
within  your  power  to  remedy,  and  to  reform  which  I  can- 
not doubt,  you  will  heartily  co-operate  with  me  in  devising 
suitable  measures. 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


